Final Paper

Chapter One

Background

Historically, Africa’s economy has been based on agricultural exports, as well as trade within the region, as its main source of income. However, the development and progression of HIV/AIDS has negatively affected this sector. AIDS is a disease which creates an environment of socio-economic conditions which favor its own propagation. It increases poverty and inequality, contributes to lower educational levels, and decreases overall productivity. All of these aspects serve as impediments to the success of the agrarian livelihood.

Development of the HIV/AIDS Epidemic

AIDS is a disease that affects populations of every nation although Africa is, without a doubt, the region which is most affected. One reason for high prevalence in Africa is a general lack of knowledge about the disease; including basic knowledge about what it is and how it is spread. For example, there are common misconceptions such as the idea that AIDS is a punishment for immoral behavior or caused by poverty (Avert 3). Because of this stigma, the disease is often disguised or hidden, especially in wealthy or well-known families. The death of a Kenyan politician who died from AIDS was reported only as “a brave condition bravely borne” (Gillespie 115). This secrecy only serves to further the idea that AIDS is something to be ashamed of and kept hidden.

There is no cure for AIDS. However, there are anti-retroviral drugs that can prolong life by slowing down, or even reversing, the onset of AIDS in HIV patients. However this drug is very expensive and generally unavailable to people in developing countries. In sub-Saharan Africa, there are an estimated 50,000 people who have access to anti-retroviral drugs by the end of 2002; this represents 1% of the 4.1 million people in need (Wisner, Toulmin, and Chitiga 110). There is a 7-10 year lag between infection with HIV and developing AIDS. Because HIV prevalence is still rising, the effects of the disease are projected to be continually compounded (Wisner, Toulmin, and Chitiga 115). There are approximately 40 million people infected with HIV in the world today, about 500,000 of those are expected to die over the next five years (Gillespie (301).

AIDS is the largest killer on the African continent. As of late 2003, AIDS had killed 20 million people and there are over 30 million people in Africa living with HIV (Wisner, Toulmin, and Chitiga 113). No other known disease has comparable implications for human progress; therefore, the world lacks a cultural format for responding to a threat such as this. However, it is becoming increasingly apparent that HIV/AIDS is not just a health issue but something that will affect a nation’s entire social, economic, political, and environmental structures.

Agrarian Structure and Food Security

Agriculture is often thought to be the cornerstone of human life. It feeds agricultural workers and rural dwellers as well as those people living and working in urban areas. When the agricultural structure is threatened, it is not just the farmers who will be affected. This issue of food security and the changing agrarian structure do to HIV/AIDS is one that has been gaining a significant amount of attention in the past five years. Food security can be defined as the availability of food, access to food, and absence of risk related to either availability or access (Brown 17). In Africa, food security depends greatly on a household’s ability to produce their own food.

In rural Africa, most agriculture involves a great deal of human labor and HIV/AIDS tends to affect the most productive age group which has severe implications for agriculture. In 1993, the population of people who made their living from agriculture in Africa was 399 million, by 2003 this number had risen to 460.7 million. However, over the same period of time, the total population increased from 673 million to 850.5 million (Barnett and Whiteside 240). This means that the overall population is growing far more quickly that the agricultural population making Africa the only continent where overall per capita food supply has fallen over the past thirty years (Barnett and Whiteside 253). It is estimated that 6 million people in Southern Africa will need emergency food assistance in 2007 (US Senate, 5).

Linking Agriculture and HIV/AIDS

Agriculture is affected by HIV/AIDS in many ways including a loss of knowledge, increased land degradation, a trend toward female and AIDS orphan headed households, and a lack of proper nutrition. Although these are the most common effects, the issues of agriculture are myriad with different problems arising from country to country and even from one village to the next. However, the problems, while different, are tied together and create a continuous cycle of sickness, malnutrition, and environmental degradation. For example, when a person is infected with HIV, they have higher nutritional requirements. However, when they are sick they cannot cultivate their land to the same extent which results in decreased food production and thus, reduced consumption for the household. Reduced food consumption leads to malnutrition within the entire household which makes the rest of the people more susceptible to disease.

When agricultural stability is compromised, nutrition will inevitably be compromised as well. When a family member of working age is infected with HIV, the first response is often to “downshift” (Barnett and Whiteside). This means that the family will decrease the number and range of crops grown and sacrifice cash crops for food crops and easy to grow root crops in order to sustain the family. Unfortunately these root crops are also less nutritious, resulting in both decreased income and nutrition.

Chapter Two

Links Between HIV/AIDS and Food Security

Although the direct effects of AIDS are physical, there are many indirect effects that, in the long run, are just as serious. One such issue is that of changes in the agrarian structure and its effects on food security. Food security and agricultural sustainability have also been affected by structural changes occurring alongside the AIDS epidemic. These changes include structural adjustment policies, long-term food insecurity (independent of HIV/AIDS), environmental and climate changes, as well as political crises dealing with state legitimacy (Barnett and Whiteside 252). In order to fully address this issue, one must break it down into four different components; environmental, economic, social, and health issues.

Environmental

The environmental and agricultural affects of HIV/AIDS manifest in changing agricultural practices, reduced productivity, impoverishment, and a decrease in overall food security. According to a study conducted in Swaziland, there was a 54% reduction in maize production, a 29% reduction in the number of cattle kept, a 34% reduction in land under cultivation and 42.3% of households had changed their cropping pattern (Hlanze, Gama, and Mondlane 9). Although these numbers are specific to Swaziland, the theme of decreased agricultural outputs is common to rural Africa affected by HIV/AIDS. Generally, the first response to HIV in farming households is downshifting (Barnett and Whiteside 252). This results in a decrease to both the number as well as range of crops grown. Although the process of downshifting is linked to issues dealing with household economics and health, it also poses environmental problems dealing with soil quality. Decreasing the range of crops grown leads to, in its most extreme form, a monoculture. Monocultures are easier to maintain; however, it leads to a strain on soil nutrients. When only one crop is planted, it will leach the same nutrient from the soil without replenishing it. The effects of a monoculture will not appear instantly although they will continue to get worse over time. As a single crop is grown season after season, it takes nutrients from the soil without added inputs. When food is scarce, the greatest concern is the nutrient input for the people, not the soil. The longer this occurs, the more the problem compounds which leads to a situation where crops can no longer grow on that land. However, the loss of productive land for food cultivation is not the only consequence of a monoculture. This soil degradation can also lead to soil erosion and flooding. Soil erosion can occur by wind or water. When nutrients are depleted, the soil structure is compromised and can be easily displaced. This results in a decrease in suitable land for growing and can also deposit poor quality soil on top of fertile soil. This poor quality soil also creates a situation apt to flooding because poor quality soil cannot absorb water.

Another effect of HIV/AIDS is a loss of agricultural knowledge. The sickness and death that results from HIV/AIDS reduces the amount of time spent with children in the fields, the place where agricultural knowledge is acquired (Garí 2). Newer generations are losing the knowledge of how to sustain farming systems. A study in Kenya shows that 7% of households headed by AIDS orphans lack adequate knowledge of agricultural production (FAO 2). Without an experienced farmer to teach the ways of farming a particular plot of land, it is easy to see why there is such a massive shift towards unsustainable farming practices such as monocultures. At first, a monoculture will produce the desired effect: large yields. To an uneducated youth, this would seem like a superior technique; however, an experienced farmer knows the detrimental effects. These practices are not sustainable and will eventually lead to severely decreased yields. In the African agricultural sector, there has been little to no modernization. Therefore, farming communities cannot rely on a machine to do their work. It is done by hand using techniques that have been modified and adapted to a particular region over time. The lack of agricultural modernization is a result of the absence of the green revolution in rural Africa (US Senate 6). Agricultural modernization generally increases the overall availability of food and the global food trade. However, according to Garí, this generally does not meet the basic agriculture or nutrition needs of most small farmers (9). As a whole, HIV/AIDS presents a paradox: it erodes the maintenance of agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge at a time when they would be fundamental in achieving food security and in mitigating the epidemic’s effects.

Economic

The AIDS epidemic is not a mere detriment to progress; it prompts a complete structural and systemic change. When a family member is sick or dies, there is an expected economic strain to deal with medical and funeral expenses. However, the economic strain does not end there. For most households in rural Africa, health care costs cannot be met without selling assets, such as animals, bicycles, or farm equipment, or going into debt. This presents two problems related to food production and consumption; a loss of farm equipment means a decrease in farm productivity, and when food cannot be produced on the farm, a loss of material assets mean that food cannot be purchased either. This demonstrates the correlation that times of income insecurity are also times of food insecurity (Barnett and Whiteside 247).

After the death of a productive member of an agricultural household, the family’s focus is on self-sustaining food production rather than rebuilding their asset base (Brown 17). This change in crop production generally involves a switch from cash crops, to easy to grow root crops such as cassava. Although this change often seems to be the only viable option for a family effected by and AIDS related illness or death, it is also important to rebuild economic assets after such a loss. A wide asset base provides opportunities to diversify their income generating activities and help to protect a household against further asset loss. Money is becoming increasingly more important in Africa as the overall agricultural production decreases; however, the food must still come from some source. This source is most often from overseas; Africa requires 14 million more metric tons of grain per year than it produces and the global economy is not sympathetic to struggling developing countries (Brown 18). As a result of HIV/AIDS there is an increasing number of families that can neither produce food for profit or for household consumption.

Social

The social structure in Africa has been affected by HIV/AIDS in many ways including gender issues, a migration towards cities, and a dramatic increase in AIDS orphans. However, many of these problems are regionally specific and do not affect all households in the same way. Although some of these issues are beginning to be addressed, the main focus in addressing AIDS issues is on the sick, not the wellbeing of those who are affected by an AIDS related death but not the disease itself.

Men and Women both play a crucial role in the agrarian structure of Africa; however, when men and women fall ill or die, it creates different strains on the household. In general, the death of a productive male reduces the production of cash crops such as coffee, tea, and sugar; whereas the death of a female reduces the production of grain and other self-sustaining crops. It is also found that in many parts of the world, widows and daughters receive smaller portion of a deceased spouse or parent’s property than widowers and sons (Hlanze, Gama and Mondlane 10). In some countries, there are also issues with property rights for women. Women and orphans maybe be thrown off their land if it came from the family of the deceased husband (Barnett and Whiteside 251). In many parts of east and central Africa, it is the accepted response for the patriarch’s family to take back the land and assets given to the married couple. This leaves the widow, and possibly orphans, with two options. She can move in with another relative who may or may not already be struggling with the same AIDS related issues. This will put additional strain on that household as there will be more people to care for and feed. Another option is for the family to move to town in order to make a living.

This trend is another factor that is changing the agrarian structure in Africa. It also adds to the lowered food production and thus a lower income from agriculture. Women will often move their family to a nearby city in an effort to find more income generating possibilities. Although there will be more opportunities for work in a city, this move will inevitably weaken social ties within the women’s previous rural community. This is especially detrimental because those kinship ties are often the safety net in times of extreme hardship. This rural to urban migration is also another factor in the decreasing agricultural knowledge in rural Africa.

The issue of AIDS orphans has been an important factor in mitigation responses. There are an estimated 15 million children under the age of 18 that have been orphaned by AIDS; 12 million of these children are in Sub-Saharan Africa (Avert 1). Orphans are more likely than non-orphans to live in large, female-headed households where more people are dependent on fewer productive workers or income earners (Monasch and Boerma 57). This creates a greater dependency on younger children to produce income or, more commonly in rural societies, take care of younger siblings and help with house and farm work. In order to do this, children will often miss school, show poor performance, or completely drop out of school. This creates a loss of academic knowledge in addition to the loss of agricultural knowledge which occurs as a result of HIV/AIDS. Other impediments to education include a decreased ability to pay school fees or buy uniforms because finances are directed towards healthcare or burial costs.

In Sub-Saharan Africa there has traditionally been a system in place to take care of children who have lost a parent (Avert 3). However, these practices have been eroded due to the drastic increase in orphans as a result of HIV/AIDS. Families are now less able to care for orphans which increases rural poverty and hunger.

Health

Along with the environmental, economic, and social issues that come as a result of the links between AIDS and agriculture, there are also the health concerns. This comes in the form of increased nutritional needs and susceptibility to disease paired with a trend towards monocultures which provides a decreased nutritional input.

During times of illness, nutritional intake is very important, according to Barnett and Whiteside, “Nutrition is the first medicine for HIV/AIDS” (3). Improving nutrient intake can strengthen the immune system which would help to protect people with HIV/AIDS from opportunistic diseases. The HIV/AIDS epidemic increases the vulnerability of groups that are prone to malnutrition such as households headed by orphans, women, and elders (Garí 3). The energy requirements for people infected with HIV increases by up to 10% to maintain body weight and physical activity in adults and to continue growth in children. In later stages of HIV and, subsequently, AIDS, energy requirements must increase by approximately 20-30% if adult body weight is to be maintained and 50-100% in children who are experiencing weight loss (Barnett and Whiteside 239). Higher nutritional intakes are required when a person suffers from a secondary disease, such as increased fluid intake due to diarrhea. In 14 of the 17 countries in east and southern Africa, the per capita daily caloric intake is below the level required to sustain life with minimum activity (Shapouri and Rosen 2). Illness also precipitates appetite loss, thus reducing dietary intake at a time when requirements are higher.

Although the nutritional needs are increased, the nutritional inputs are generally decreased. The inherent difficulties in maintaining food production while suffering with HIV leads to poor nutrition, this leads to a compromised immune system which makes people more susceptible to infection in general. This problem is continuously exacerbated by the cycle of disease, labor loss, and decreased nutritional production, and, in turn, decreased nutritional consumption which continues to spread. This malnutrition also increases susceptibility to HIV or other opportunistic disease for those who are already infected.

Another factor that has contributed to insufficient nutrition as a result of HIV/AIDS is the agricultural trend toward monocultures and crops which are easier to grow. Monocultures and a loss of agricultural biodiversity not only have negative effects on the land, but it negatively affects health as well. When the availability of labor in a household declines due to illness or death, it is common to switch to less labor intensive crops such as a switch from corn to cassava which would conserve a considerable amount of labor. However, cassava is far less nutritious and in many countries, especially those with high HIV/AIDS prevalence, the nutritional intake is already below minimum standards (Shapouri and Rosen 2).

Chapter Three

Regional Differences

Although most of the issues discussed are general and affect most of rural Africa where the AIDS epidemic and agrarian livelihoods coincide, there are particular issues that are specific to varying regions. These differences occur do to variations such as gender roles, social mores, public policy, and environment.

Uganda

In Uganda, AIDS affected households in mixed agriculture, fisheries, and pastoralist communities are producing less and becoming increasingly resource-poor (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 6). Many of Uganda’s issues deal with the modernization of agriculture and the inclusion of HIV/AIDS affected households in this plan. The Plan for the Modernization of Agriculture (PMA) was developed by the Ugandan government as part of its Poverty Eradication Action Plan’s framework for modernizing agriculture. The goal of PMA is to transform subsistence agriculture to commercial agriculture in an effort to eradicate poverty (PMA 3). Their specific goals through this program include improving household food security through the market rather than by emphasizing self-sufficiency as well as increasing income and improving the quality of life for poor subsistence farmers through increased productivity and market production.

However, PMA is not the only strategy being developed by the Ugandan government. There are 47 HIV/AIDS policies covering 34 HIV/AIDS related issues. There is currently an HIV/AIDS policy for the agricultural sector being developed collaboratively by the Ministry of Agriculture and Animal Industries and Fisheries which encompasses the National Agricultural Research Organization, the Uganda Coffee Development Authority, and the Cotton Development Organization. This program will include guidelines for mainstreaming HIV/AIDS into all ministry programs (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 6). Although there is sufficient policy in place, specific strategies to mitigate the impacts of HIV/AIDS on poor, rural farmers are absent. Dr. Kisamba-Mugerwa, the Agriculture Minister for Uganda, stated that:

“Despite Uganda’s efforts to reduce HIV/AIDS prevalence in the last ten years, and the introduction of anti-retroviral drugs on the market, the disease is greatly affecting the agricultural sector […] there is a close link between HIV, poverty, poor nutrition and household food and livelihood insecurity, which is directly undermining government’s efforts in realizing the economic empowerment of rural people.” (qtd. in Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 6).

In Uganda, the majority of communities are mixed-agriculture, pastoralist, or fishing. A family’s response to the additional AIDS related medical and funeral costs are determined by their asset base and livelihood strategies. In mixed-agriculture communities, these costs are generally covered through a combination of assistance from extended family as well as other income earned in such ways as selling grain and fuelwood, brewing beer, or finding employment outside of the farm (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 7). Agricultural communities will sell land only as a last resort. In pastoralist communities, it has been found that 88% of households that have been affected by HIV/AIDS have sold cattle in order to cover expenses (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 7). This loss of cattle has led to decreased income from the sale of milk as well. One in 5 affected households reported reduced sales of milk compared to one in 25 non-affected households. Fisheries communities have been the hardest hit by the AIDS epidemic with more than 50% of households affected by the disease. This community is at such high risk because they are young, have very mobile lifestyles, irregular settlement patterns, and are paid in cash (Jacques 19). Sick fishermen generally shift to less labor intensive techniques such as shallow-water fishing instead of sailing to deep waters where there are more fish. They also spend less time maintaining the boat and other equipment. Fishing, like agriculture, is a highly skilled profession and as more people become sick, the knowledge related to the forecast of seasons, the movement of fish shoals, and safety in the water is being lost.

The land use and cropping patterns have also been drastically changed. Traditionally, coffee had been a main export and cash crop in Uganda. However, in the late 1980’s, people reduced their wonk on coffee, which requires extensive pruning and marketing, and began to grow bananas (Barnett and Whiteside 256). This was followed by a decrease in banana production as well as the production of other nutritious vegetables in favor of cassava which is starchy and not as nutritious but is easy to cultivate and store. Affected agricultural households are reducing their land under cultivation and allowing more land to fallow which consequently reduces output. Yields are further decreased by an affected household’s inability to purchase agricultural inputs such as fertilizers, pesticides, and farm equipment. The Ugandan government has actively encouraged farmers to grow maize due to the strong market for this crop. However, like many other government implemented plans, this has not been as effective for households affected by HIV/AIDS as those that are not. In a study conducted by the Integrated Support to Sustainable Development and Food Security Program, it was reported that households affected by HIV/AIDS were less able to plant maize in response to this initiative than non-affected households (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 8).

Some of these land use changes in Uganda are gender related. In mixed-agricultural communities, male-headed households had approximately 1.5 times more land than female-headed households. In a survey done of affected households, female-headed households reduced their cultivated area by 26% whereas male-headed households decreased their cultivated area by 11%. Other gender issues deal with cultural expectations. For example, it was considered culturally inappropriate for women in western Uganda to ride bicycles until the late 1980’s (Barnett and Whiteside 249). Typically, the male of the house would ride a bicycle to the market in order to sell surplus crops or buy goods. If he were unable to go to the market due to illness or death, the household would be left without access to the market to generate income or buy necessary household goods.

In Uganda, households affected by HIV/AIDS, particularly in agricultural communities, are finding it increasingly difficult to meet their food security needs. These farmers rely on human labor as their principal source of power and as labor shortages arise, agricultural production and household income decrease. The Ugandan government recognized the correlation between HIV/AIDS, agriculture, and economic productivity but their plans developed to address these issues have failed to benefit the rural poor. As the study done by Integrated Support to Sustainable Development and Food Security Program states, in order for change to occur, activities must be implemented that underwrite the risk to poor farmers who invest in increased productivity or enable them to diversify their activities away from the agricultural sector in order to increase their purchasing power to buy food (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 8).

Namibia

Namibia, like most other agriculturally based countries in Africa, has been greatly affected by the loss of labor due to HIV/AIDS. 50% of Namibians generate income through subsistence farming and commercial agriculture accounts for 9% of their GDP (Bollinger and Stover 5). However, the main HIV/AIDS related issue in Namibia is that of depleted asset base for widows (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 1). This is due to repossession of property and necessary sales of goods after the death of a spouse. Although there has been legislation to address these issues, it still remains greatly unknown.

It is very common for households affected by HIV/AIDS to sell livestock and grain in order to cover medical or funeral expenses. This leaves the household economically strained; however, following the death of a male spouse, it is common for Namibian widows to lose access to property, amplifying their impoverishment. Livestock ownership is a major source of wealth; cattle are slaughtered at weddings and funerals and can also be sold to generate income. There is little difference in livestock ownership between households affected by HIV/AIDS and those that are not. However, there is a large gender difference within the realm of affected households; 62% of affected male-headed households owned cattle compared to 32% of affected female-headed households (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 10). This can be attributed to sales made to cover medical and funeral costs as well as repossession of family assets following the death of a spouse. Property is thought of as either inherited or common property. Inherited property is what has been given by both families to formalize marriage whereas common property is everything the couple has accumulated during their marriage. There are often disputes over who owns property that came from the spouse. Although the laws may differ, in practice, all movable items (cattle, kitchen utilities, farm equipment, etc.) are taken by relatives, regardless of whether they are considered inherited or common property (Bollinger and Stover 6). Of a sample surveyed by Integrated Support to Sustainable Development and Food Security Program, following the death of a male spouse, 44% of widows lost cattle, 28% lost small livestock, and 41% lost farm equipment to their husband’s family.

There has been legislation to equalize inheritance rights although it is largely unknown or ignored. In May 2003, the Human Rights Commission adopted a resolution on women’s equal ownership of, and access to and control over land. Equality in inheritance rights was not specifically addressed by this commission; although, the 42^nd commission on the Advancement of Women adopted resolution 42/1 which urges countries to design and revise laws to ensure that women are entitled to complete and equal rights to land and other property including inheritance. There has also been legislation centered in Namibia such as the Married Persons Equality Act of 1996 which states that upon the death of a spouse, both men and women are entitled to assets accumulated through the marriage. The following year, this act was reviewed by Namibia’s Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women which concluded that women in Namibia continue to face persistent discrimination due in part to customary laws. However, there is not a widespread knowledge of the law and decisions are generally made by the village headman on a case by case basis (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 12).

It has been shown that households affected by HIV/AIDS, especially those headed by widows, are finding it increasingly difficult to sustain themselves financially after the death of a spouse. One main reason for this is the lack of clear distinction of property ownership. There is legislation in place to protect widows from property repossession but it remains greatly unknown, and thus, ineffective.

Chapter Four

Zambia: Problems and Policy

Zambia has the highest rate of HIV infection among young adults, these rates peak at 20-29 years of age for women and 30-39 years of age for men. The HIV prevalence among women ages 15-24 is also much higher than that of men. In this age group, the prevalence among women is 17-25% and it is 6-10% among men of the same age group. In Zambia, agriculture supports more than 50% of the population and employs 67% of the labor force. Also, 65% of small farmers are women although agricultural policy does not generally address gender issues.

Zambia is an especially interesting case because there has been extensive research done on the correlations between the agricultural sector and the HIV/AIDS epidemic due, in part, to major structural changes this country has implemented since 1991. These studies, generally implemented by the Food and Agriculture Organization’s Integrated Support to Sustainable Development and Food Security Program, have studied the major issues of concern dealing with HIV/AIDS as well as the effectiveness of programs designed to address these issues.

Issues in the Agricultural Sector

Zambia faces many issues dealing with AIDS related orphans and a general trend towards the feminization of poverty. AIDS related deaths of people in the productive age range, 15 to 45, has led to a dramatic increase of households enduring the added burden of fostering orphans. This has increased the number of poor female (including grandmother) headed households. James Morris, the UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy for the Humanitarian Crisis in Southern Africa stated that:

“HIV/AIDS is devastating Zambian society. Tens of thousands of people have already died and many, many more are infected […] one of the tragic consequences is a very rapid rise in the numbers of orphans, as well as households headed by children and elderly grandparents.” (qtd. in Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 14)

The HIV/AIDS epidemic had orphaned 710,000 children as of 2005 and that number is continually increasing. Half of all people who contract HIV do so by age 25; they will most likely develop AIDS and die by age 35, leaving an entire generation of orphans behind (Avert 3). Most orphans are fostered by extended family; however, approximately 6% end up living on the streets and less than 1% end up in orphanages. Female-headed households generally take care of more children of younger ages than male-headed households (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 15). Therefore, these households have more people to feed with less economically productive household members, giving female-headed households greater labor shortages. This often means that children will frequently miss school or withdraw completely in order to help the household. In fact, female-headed households fostering orphans are more than twice as likely as any other household type to withdraw children ages 7-13 from school (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 17). Female headed households also own less land and fewer livestock than their male counterparts. Therefore they have less land to cultivate food for increased dependents as well as fewer financial resources to purchase agricultural inputs, pay school fees, and purchase household consumables (FASAZ 5). In Zambia, 70% of the population is below the poverty line and 90% of that population is women (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 14). Women play an important role in agricultural production and child care, and although they are the poorest segment of society in Zambia, they are continuously marginalized in the decision making process at both the household and community levels.

Structural Change

The agricultural sector in Zambia has also been affected by a great deal of government supported structural change since 1991. In an effort to reestablish sustainable national economic growth, Zambia liberalized the agricultural sector and eliminated all subsidies. Liberalization involves decreased government regulations in favor greater involvement in the private sector. This economic liberalization was put in place in order to encourage private sector activities and investments; however, this has not occurred, especially not in the agricultural sector (FASAZ 16). In fact, the direct reactions of liberalization were high bank interest rates, high inflation, decreased purchasing power, and volatile exchange rates. In Teta, a region of northern Zambia, maize liberalization left farmers without market access and notably fewer assets and income than before liberalization (Drinkwater, McEwan, and Samuels 12).

Although there has been an effective move towards the goal of liberalization in most sectors of the country, the Zambian government still participates in the global market, especially in the fertilizer market (Mwanaumo 4). However, small farmers do not receive the benefits of this trade. Liberalization has had considerable negative effects on the agricultural community, one that is known for high HIV/AIDS prevalence. The combination of decreased access to the market and greater financial burdens has devastated many small-scale rural farmers.

HIV/AIDS Policy Implementation

In addition to economic liberalization, there has been a great deal of policy implemented in Zambia that deals more directly with issues having to do with the links between HIV/AIDS and agriculture. There are many difficulties involved in developing HIV/AIDS policy because the epidemic affects all sectors at all levels, while an effective policy must be formulated to achieve specific goals and objectives.

In 2000, the Zambian government began to develop a Poverty Reduction Strategy Program (PRSP) which identifies agriculture as a key aspect of economic growth. The inclusion of an agricultural focus came through pressure by the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 5). This ministry has emphasized the severity of the loss of progressive farmers and extension staff as a result of HIV/AIDS, as well as the reduction in the availability of farm labor, and increased money spent on the sick, as critical problems hindering the development of a sustainable agricultural sector which can sustain food security and generate income. As part of the PRSP, the Agriculture Commercialization Program was created in an effort to promote development of an efficient, competitive, and sustainable agricultural sector, but mostly in order to appease the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives. Although this division was created, agriculturally oriented responses to HIV/AIDS have not been included in the Agriculture Commercialization Program of Zambia (Mwanaumo 6).

The National AIDS Council (NAC) was established in 2002 to bring together all segments of the government and civil society in an effort to combat HIV/AIDS. The NAC established and coordinates the National Strategic Framework whose main goal is working towards the prevention of HIV/AIDS through the mitigation and reduction of new infection as well as a focus on the socio-economic impacts.

Zambia also has the Gender and Development Division. This division is responsible for the implementation of the National Gender Policy, developed in 2000, as well as the Development Coordinating Committees that facilitate the implementation of the Policy at the district and provincial levels. The National Gender Policy streamlines gender into development activities with six key goals. Its goals are to enhance access to and control over opportunities in economic structures, policies and means of production; develop specific strategies regarding men’s and women’s access to and control over land; promote and facilitate men’s and women’s access to information and economic resources; eliminate gender imbalances in access to and opportunities for financial resources; enhance men’s and women’s participation in employment and income-generating activities; and enhance men’s and women’s participation in decision-making processes (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 15).

Despite the existing framework for poverty reduction and gender equality, there is still a lack of in-depth gender analysis done to influence this policy. The policy put in place to alleviate poverty has not examined the discrepancies between the impacts of poverty on men and women. Additionally, gender data that is collected is not often included in the assessments conducted by these policies and programs. Although studies were done, the Zambian national budget published in 2002 did not break apart resource allocation or incentives by gender (Mesko, Wiegers, and Hermanrud 15). These policies prove as a tangible step towards positive change, but there needs to be a follow up and implementation of the ideas presented in these policies for these changes to occur.

Conclusions and Recommendations

AIDS related deaths of people in a productive age range has not only decreased agricultural production and viable methods to generate income, it has presented Zambia with an increased number of orphans which only adds to the household burden. Zambia is also facing a feminization of poverty because it is culturally the task of women to care for children. Current policy measure do not adequately address the differential impact of HIV/AIDS on women and men; however, given the high HIV/AIDS prevalence in Zambia, there is a serious need for further research on gender equality and inclusive policies that deal with the multi-sectoral nature of the epidemic.

Due to the increasing burden of AIDS related orphans, the Kaiser Network suggests that support for orphans and vulnerable children be increased. This can be done through better access to education, increased health care and nutrition, and access to stable homes (Kaiser Network 1). However, this Network stresses that these goals can only be achieved if the number of health care workers and councilors, as well as HIV/AIDS funding in Zambia is doubled.

In a study done by the Farming Systems Association of Zambia, it is recommended that a guide be produced to present options to mitigate the impact of HIV/AIDS on agricultural livelihoods (FASAZ 33). The also suggest that issues related to the impact of HIV/AIDS be included in all national agricultural censuses, post-harvest surveys, and development strategies and plans within agriculture policies and programs. It is believe that these measures will help to reduce household welfare levels and promote equality between female-headed households and male-headed households.

Chapter Five

Solutions through Agriculture and Policy

It is imperative to address the issues of agriculture and food security that are coupled with HIV/AIDS, but it will not be a byproduct of existing policy. These issues need to be addressed intentionally and directed by the agricultural sector. Agricultural policy currently in place is not developed with HIV/AIDS in mind although it can have an effect on increasing or decreasing household vulnerability (du Guerny 7). A policy created with both aspects in mind would not only increase agricultural yields and encourage sustainable practices but address HIV/AIDS related vulnerability as well. These solutions can come through biodiversity, including new farming techniques and forestry; increased knowledge; and proper policy implementation.

Agrobiodiversity

Traditionally, African communities have developed a diverse resource base including both cultivated and wild plants, trees, and livestock enabling them to sustain plentiful livelihoods. However the trends of disease have begun to move the agricultural sector away from these ideals. With the HIV/AIDS epidemic comes a shift in thinking from prosperity to survival and with that a shift from a plentiful crop base to a monoculture. However, agrobiodiversity is one method for rural communities to combat malnutrition, agricultural constraints, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic while increasing sustainability. This diversity includes intercropping, maintaining genetic diversity, cover cropping, crop rotation, crop-livestock integration, and agroforestry (Garí 3). These methods will be beneficial because they lead to less labor intensive farming in the long run. For example, with crop rotation and cover cropping, the soil will be richer and more nutritious. This eliminates the need for tilling, which will minimize labor inputs, and chemical fertilizers, which minimizes cost. These diversification techniques are easy to employ, it is a lack or loss of knowledge which hinders their implementation. Although the HIV/AIDS epidemic has fostered conditions where knowledge is being lost from one generation to the next, agricultural knowledge has not been lost all together. An initiative to spread knowledge of rural agriculture could prove to be very beneficial. This may come in the form of community based initiatives to share knowledge and rebuild community ties. This may also come as an initiative from organizations such as the Peace Corp. A volunteer with knowledge of sustainable agriculture and biodiversity who lived in and experienced the community could provide a valuable resource base to initiate the implementation of such practices.

Agroforestry is one aspect of biodiversity which can help to establish a more productive and sustainable farm. Adding trees to the farm can help to promote food security, nutrition, medicinal relief, and generate income (Lengkeek 15). In many countries, more than half of indigenous food plants are species of trees which provide the required nutrients. Trees can also supply herbal medicines to boost the immune system or even serve as anti-depressants; this can benefit the household itself or be sold to generate income (Lengkeek 7). Also, the labor inputs required in tree cultivation are far lower than those required for traditional farm crops. In Kenya, the benefits of trees are already being employed. The Kenyan government pays school children to raise tree seedlings to a transplantable size. At this point, the government pays the children for the plants and gives them to local farmers (Wilkins). This is one effective implementation of agroforestry that benefits all parties involved and generates income within a community.

Food and Agriculture Organization

Over the past ten years there has been an increasing amount of research done on the links between agriculture and HIV/AIDS, mainly by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations. The FAO was the first organization to address and investigate the socio-economic impact of HIV/AIDS on rural economies. They have done numerous studies and, in 1993, began conscious efforts to focus on actual rather than hypothetical coping strategies. As a result of FAO’s studies, the issue of HIV/AIDS was included in the 1994 edition of the State of Food and Agriculture (“Impact of HIV/AIDS on Agriculture” 3). These studies prompted the inclusion of AIDS and agriculture issues as part of the debates of the 107^th The FAO of the United Nations has taken other important steps in spreading knowledge of this issue such as publishing in depth reports, holding workshops, and mandatory educational conferences for its employees around the world. Although the FAO has played a significant role in increasing awareness about the issue, the matter of implementation cannot be addressed by awareness alone. The research must be implemented through increased knowledge or policy change in order to begin to make a difference. session of the FAO Council in November of the same year.

Effectiveness of Policy

There have been some major impediments to the success of policy meant to address both the issue of HIV/AIDS and agriculture. One such impediment is that responses are often formulated outside of the community context and do not take the local environment and culture into consideration. However, in cases such as the trees planted in Kenya, local initiatives tend to have the most beneficial, if not the most dramatic, effects. Another impediment is the use of finances. Until recently, AIDS was regarded as solely a health issue. Therefore, the majority of financial resources directed at HIV/AIDS have gone through the Ministries of Health in Africa It is only through the raised awareness created by such organizations as the FAO that finances may begin to be directed at more agriculturally centered programs. According to du Guerny, policies within the agricultural sector do have the ability to modify the environment in which the HIV/AIDS epidemic takes place (7). and are then allocated towards programs to raise awareness and buy anti-retroviral drugs (Lengkeek 2).

However, most studies have been focused on answering the question of what needs to be done while neglecting how this should happen (Omomo and Farrington 2). Although these studies are not misleading or inadequately researched, the suggested solutions are often unattainable. The findings of a study might suggest that a region ‘develop a legislative infrastructure’ or ‘abandon top-down approaches to rural development’. These changes would undoubtedly be beneficial in strengthening the agricultural sector for HIV/AIDS affected communities; however, Omomo and Farrington argue that such suggestions would require no less than an institutional revolution to implement (3). They do say that agricultural policy can be effective when it is geared toward increasing knowledge and access to services.

The awareness of the agricultural impact of HIV/AIDS is something that has begun to develop in the last decade. Because of this, there is no standard to measure these policies against. The implementation of policy is never a certainty and it must be evaluated on a case by case basis. Thus far, the policy linking agriculture and HIV/AIDS that has been most effective is small-scale and community initiated. It is these policies that integrate a realistic vision of the local environment, economy, and social standards to implement a feasible plan of action.

Chapter Six

Conclusion

Over the past three decades it has become all too apparent that HIV/AIDS is not just a health issue but a disease that has the ability to completely undermine the structure of any society from rural to urban and wealthy to poor. As the number of AIDS deaths passes 30 million in Africa alone, it is clear that measures to deal with the effects of this epidemic must be addressed through all sectors

With nearly half of the African population making their living from agriculture, this is one sector that cannot be ignored. Agriculture in Africa is the cornerstone of life and a fledgling agricultural structure will greatly compound the detrimental effects of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The links between agriculture and HIV/AIDS are myriad and all deeply connected. The effects of the disease as related to agriculture vary from region to region. However, some common trends include a decreased labor force, cropland degradation, a loss of agricultural knowledge, decreased cash crop production, the feminization of poverty, and decreased nutrition.

With recent attention, policy specifically addressed at links between agriculture and HIV/AIDS is becoming more prevalent and, along with that, increasingly criticized. Although there have been impediments to the effective implementation of proper policy, there are many initiatives that have been effective. As knowledge about the magnitude of the agricultural sector’s impact increases, more AIDS relief money will begin to go toward further research and policy implementation plans and goals will become more realistic. One solution for all of agrarian Africa’s struggles will never suffice. The environment and cultures vary so drastically that issues cannot possible be addressed by the same means. The only way this issue can be successfully addressed is on the small scale according to a case by case basis.

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